Updates to our Terms of Use

We are updating our Terms of Use. Please carefully review the updated Terms before proceeding to our website.

Monday, July 1, 2024 | Back issues
Courthouse News Service Courthouse News Service

Supreme Court rules for broad presidential immunity in Donald Trump election subversion case

The justices’ ruling all but guarantees that Donald Trump’s culpability in an attempt to overturn the 2020 election will not be determined before the 2024 election.

WASHINGTON (CN) — The Supreme Court on Monday ruled that former presidents have absolute immunity for official acts in Donald Trump's challenge to election subversion charges, setting a test for the lower courts that could further delay the former president’s election subversion trial. 

“The President is not above the law,” Chief Justice John Roberts wrote for the conservative supermajority. “But Congress may not criminalize the President’s conduct in carrying out the responsibilities of the Executive Branch under the Constitution.” 

The 6-3 ruling gave former presidents absolute immunity for duties within their core powers and some immunity for other official actions. But the court did not decide how their ruling applied to Trump, noting that the current posture of the case did not require the justices to weigh in on where the charges in the D.C. case fell in or outside of the immunity bubble. 

“Because we need not decide that question today, we do not decide it,” Roberts wrote. 

In a withering dissent, the three liberal justices accused the court of making a mockery of the Constitution’s promise that no man is above the law. Justice Sonia Sotomayor said the majority gave Trump all the immunity he asked for and more. 

“With fear for our democracy, I dissent,” the Barack Obama appointee wrote in an opinion joined by Justices Elena Kagan and Ketanji Brown Jackson. 

Trump claimed his former position as the country’s chief executive entitled him to immunity from criminal charges. The argument expanded on the high court’s 1982 ruling in Fitzgerald v. Nixon, where the justices absolved presidents from civil liability for official actions.

The former president faces four criminal charges in D.C. for conspiracy to defraud the United States, conspiracy to obstruct an official proceeding, obstruction of an official proceeding and conspiracy against rights. Special counsel Jack Smith claims Trump created a fake elector scheme and attempted to obstruct the presidential transfer of power. 

Trump has pleaded not guilty to his four charges and the 87 other criminal counts he faces outside of Smith’s D.C. case. 

U.S. District Judge Tanya Chutkan in the District of Columbia and a three-judge panel on the D.C. Circuit both rejected Trump’s presidential immunity claim. 

The court’s ruling sends the case back to Chutkan to decide which, if any, of Trump’s charges are outside of immunity granted by official presidential acts.

The president’s core constitutional powers include commanding the military, granting pardons, overseeing foreign relations, managing immigration and appointing judges. Congress and the courts, Roberts wrote, cannot act or examine the president’s actions in this realm. 

Roberts said that absolute immunity gets downgraded when the president’s actions fall outside those core areas. 

“The reasons that justify the President’s absolute immunity from criminal prosecution for acts within the scope of his exclusive authority therefore do not extend to conduct in areas where his authority is shared with Congress,” Roberts wrote. 

Looking at the court’s prior ruling on presidential privileges, Roberts noted that Richard Nixon was granted absolute immunity from civil liabilities connected to his official acts. However, Roberts said, the court rejected a presidential immunity claim from Thomas Jefferson during the treason trial of former Vice President Aaron Burr. 

“Criminally prosecuting a President for official conduct undoubtedly poses a far greater threat of intrusion on the authority and functions of the Executive Branch than simply seeking evidence in his possession, as in Burr and Nixon,” Roberts wrote. 

Roberts said criminal prosecutions presented a greater danger, threatening to chill bold executive branch actions. 

“The Framers’ design of the Presidency did not envision such counterproductive burdens on the ‘vigor[]’ and ‘energy’ of the Executive,” Roberts wrote. 

ADVERTISEMENT

While recognizing the interests of these criminal prosecutions, Roberts said presidents should still have presumptive immunity for duties outside of their core responsibilities. 

“Such an immunity is required to safeguard the independence and effective functioning of the Executive Branch, and to enable the President to carry out his constitutional duties without undue caution,” Roberts wrote. 

The court’s ambivalence did not extend to unofficial acts, which the court said had no immunity. These would include actions taken completely outside of the executive office, such as before the president took office. 

Roberts said the lower court’s expediency prevented the significant constitutional questions from being fully fleshed out. Sorting Trump’s conduct, Roberts said, raised multiple unprecedented and momentous questions about presidential authority. 

“Given all these circumstances, it is particularly incumbent upon us to be mindful of our frequent admonition that ‘[o]urs is a court of final review and not first view,’” Roberts wrote.  

The court does comment on some of Trump’s charges. Roberts said Trump’s communications with the Justice Department would be considered official actions but there’s a possibility the circumstances around Trump’s conversations with Vice President Mike Pence would make those discussions exempt from immunity. 

Trump’s efforts to advance election fraud allegations to state officials left the most room for the lower court’s interpretation. 

Consequently, the court said any conduct covered by presidential immunity cannot be presented to a jury as evidence. Smith’s team suggested a jury could consider evidence concerning official acts to prove that Trump knew his election fraud claims were false. The Supreme Court threw out this possibility. 

“That proposal threatens to eviscerate the immunity we have recognized,” Roberts wrote. “It would permit a prosecutor to do indirectly what he cannot do directly — invite the jury to examine acts for which a President is immune from prosecution to nonetheless prove his liability on any charge.” 

Sotomayor claimed Smith’s indictment painted Trump as a president desperate to stay in power. Against that backdrop, Sotomayor said the court invented an atextual, ahistorical and unjustifiable immunity to put the president above the law. 

The three buckets of immunity recognized by the court, Sotomayor claimed, have the effect of insulating presidents from criminal liability. 

“No matter how you look at it, the majority’s official-acts immunity is utterly indefensible,” Sotomayor wrote. 

Sotomayor said the majority ignored settled understandings of the Constitution to recognize a view of immunity never considered by the founders. 

“Never in the history of our Republic has a President had reason to believe that he would be immune from criminal prosecution if he used the trappings of his office to violate the criminal law,” Sotomayor wrote. “Moving forward, however, all former Presidents will be cloaked in such immunity.” 

In a separate dissent, Jackson said the court’s ruling broke new and dangerous ground, making the most powerful official in the American government exempt from criminal law. 

“To the extent that the majority’s new accountability paradigm allows Presidents to evade punishment for their criminal acts while in office, the seeds of absolute power for Presidents have been planted,” the Joe Biden appointee wrote. “And, without a doubt, absolute power corrupts absolutely.” 

Jackson said the court suggested that the judiciary will still remain a check on presidential accountability. She said leaving this decision up to judges has the potential for great harm. 

“The majority of my colleagues seems to have put their trust in our court’s ability to prevent Presidents from becoming Kings through case-by-case application of the indeterminate standards of their new Presidential accountability paradigm,” Jackson wrote. “I fear that they are wrong.” 

Trump’s D.C. trial was originally scheduled to begin in March, but he succeeded in delaying proceedings while his immunity plea was resolved. The Supreme Court refused Smith’s attempt to fast-track the appeal in December. The justices didn’t schedule arguments in the case until late April, leaving little time for the trial to move forward before the 2024 election. 

The setback mired the court in controversy over the possibility of preventing the trial from moving forward. Leaving the trial on an extended pause has put Trump’s election subversion case on a collision course with his 2024 presidential campaign, and it's unlikely a trial could be held so close to the November elections. While presidential immunity for former presidents was up for debate, the Justice Department has a rule against prosecuting the current office holder.

In May, Trump became the first former American president to be convicted of a felony after a unanimous New York jury found him guilty of all 34 counts of falsifying business records.

Follow @KelseyReichmann
Categories / Appeals, Criminal, National, Politics

Subscribe to Closing Arguments

Sign up for new weekly newsletter Closing Arguments to get the latest about ongoing trials, major litigation and hot cases and rulings in courthouses around the U.S. and the world.

Loading...